APRIL 20 – The nighttime arrest of Antananarivo V MP Naivo Raholdina has sparked fresh controversy across the Great Island. The MP was apprehended at his home in Analamahitsy on Saturday night, only a few hours after returning from a medical stay abroad. He was placed in police custody at the Fiadanana criminal investigations unit, without either the security forces or the Ministry of Justice officially specifying the grounds for the operation.
The Speaker of the National Assembly, Siteny Randrianasoloniaiko, recalled that “Naivo Raholdina remains a member of parliament and benefits from parliamentary immunity”, indicating that the permanent bureau had received no formal request to lift his immunity, an essential prerequisite before any prosecution. Conversely, Justice Minister Fanirisoa Ernaivo claims to have referred the matter to Tsimbazaza and speaks of a mere scheduling issue, creating a striking contrast between the parliamentary version and that of the Ministry of Justice.
A highly politically targeted anti-corruption campaign
Since Colonel Michaël Randrianirina seized power, several allies or former collaborators of Andry Rajoelina have been targeted. The objective is to dismantle the networks of the former president, who is still perceived by the junta as the country’s strongman.
Former minister and MP Marie Michelle Sahondrarimalala was arrested following a lifting of immunity challenged by legal experts, while former Senate President Richard Ravalomanana and former presidential adviser Soalihy Moussa have faced searches, summonses and detention amid persistent legal ambiguity. Other figures, such as Edgard Razafindravahy, Secretary General of the Indian Ocean Commission, have also seen their homes searched without any clearly established charges being made public. Added to this are Augustin Andriamananoro, former minister and close ally of Andry Rajoelina, whose home was searched after the lifting of his parliamentary immunity, as well as Vy Vato, a former ally of the ex-president, placed in custody for “destabilisation” and “undermining state security”.
At the centre of this apparatus stands Justice Minister Fanirisoa Ernaivo, an exiled figure who has returned to Antananarivo and is leading the judicial offensive in the name of “zero tolerance” towards the embezzlement of public funds. The problem is that corruption is endemic in Madagascar. It is therefore far from affecting only one political camp. Yet it is precisely the camp of Andry Rajoelina’s allies that is being entirely targeted. What comes next remains uncertain. The outlook is worrying, as such a purge could further intensify political polarisation on the Great Island, where the former president still retains significant support. Rumours of the torture of Rinah Rakotomanga, Andry Rajoelina’s former communications director who has been imprisoned for several months, reflect this climate of tension and mistrust. It should be noted that the prison administration has officially denied these allegations.
From repression to contradictions
This desire for revenge is leading to legally absurd situations. The Justice Minister is advocating for Andry Rajoelina to be brought before the High Court of Justice, described as the only court “competent to prosecute him in his capacity as a former head of state”. Yet at the same time, she contests the legitimacy of the former president and highlights the alleged irregularity of his exercise of power. Even more surprisingly, according to the minister, Andry Rajoelina could be prosecuted for usurping the office of President on the grounds that he is allegedly not of Malagasy nationality. However, this nationality was itself withdrawn by the junta through a decree in October 2025. This therefore confirms that he did indeed hold Malagasy nationality during the 2018 and 2023 elections.
Overall, the affair is reinforcing the perception of a justice system being instrumentalised by an already weakened military regime, just over six months after it overthrew President Andry Rajoelina amid a context of riots. The controversy surrounding the Raholdina case is crystallising a broader climate of general suspicion towards a transition accused of hijacking the “revolution” for the benefit of a mere authoritarian reshuffling.
Moreover, the witch-hunt has now extended beyond the circle of Rajoelinists to target those currently challenging the junta, foremost among them Generation Z, the driving force behind the mobilisation movements of autumn 2026. The latter began once again displaying pre-insurrectional signals in April. Frustrated by a transition it accuses of monopolising power and failing to fulfil its promises, the movement returned to the streets. The consequences were immediate, with the main Gen-Z leaders arrested on 12 April.
A worrying drift condemned by Amnesty International: “The Malagasy authorities are resorting to deliberately vague accusations of criminal conspiracy, threats to national security or destabilisation of the State in order to silence Generation Z activists and members of civil society.”
